The International Criminal Court
&
Neo-European Imperialism
By Attorney Roderick H. Seeman
SUMMARY:
The International Criminal Court is nothing more, but certainly nothing less,
than the hoary head of Neo-European imperialism. The Europeans, having vigorously
enforced their imperial will on the world at large during the long centuries
that they held empires in their steely grasp, now demand, on mere claims
of "potential" power, once again, their right through a new court to enforce
their imperial diktats. The key is the emergence of the EU, the new political
Viagra. Old fuddy duddies, once virile empires, seek once again, artificially,
to regain their past vigor through the artifice of the EU.
Now, it is they, the Europeans, who shall decide international criminal law
Now, it is they, the Europeans, who shall decide international trade law.
Yea, thou shalt even obey their international accounting standards (a particular
bone in the Japanese throat).
The International Criminal Court is but the clearest example of this Neo-European
Imperialism. However, the foundation of this court is nothing more than the
artificially puffed-up say so of the Europeans, self-serving bravado, hiding
behind a bevy of meaningless, weak, and corrupt tin-pot dictatorships and
mini-states.
When the US entered the United Nations it negotiated for years and achieved
a General Assembly as a free forum of expression, but powerless, and a Security
Council, where it held a veto. The US is specifically denied a veto in the
International Criminal Court --- A back door round the American UN veto.
Be afraid, oh Israel! Beware, United States! The new European hegemon stalks.
With a swath of jurisdiction claimed by this new court both awesome and unprecedented,
superceding even national sovereignty, for any semblance of international
credibility, it must perforce meet the highest standards of probity in fairness,
justice, and balanced application of the law. In this it dismally fails from
the outset.
In this regard, let none forget, that in the real world, not the pearly gates
of European dictated heaven, on the 10th anniversary of the greatest genocide
in the last quarter-century, the president of Rwanda placed the greatest
responsibility for that heinous crime squarely at the feet of France, the
leader of this European gang. France’s erstwhile pontification on the benefits
of “international law” was shown in its full duplicitous audacity in the
Duelfer report in late 2004 proving its cooperation with Saddam Hussein to
break UN Security Council approved sanctions. Proving for all to see, that
when it comes to “international law” France serves first its own interests,
and working against the US is one of the highest such interests.
ARGUMENT
Part I. Court Legitimacy
The world has been replete with courts for millennia. Their legitimacy is
seldom questioned. When they are questioned it is usually with respect to
the characteristics of the courts themselves, or of the regime that the courts
serve.
I. The Legitimacy of a Court in its Own Right.
Let us examine the case of the legitimacy of a court in its own right, separate
from that of the regime that the court serves.
Factors giving legitimacy to a court it its own right include, among others,
professionalism, fairness, and enforcement of the "Rule of Law.” One can
also argue that the absence of such factors lending credibility to a court,
lead just as inexorably to a court losing legitimacy, or indeed being illegitimate
from the outset..
A. TRADITION
A long history of professionalism, fairness and balanced application of the
law gives a court great credibility. Perhaps the classic example of such
court credibility was the decision by the United States Supreme Court on
the 2000 presidential election. The Court made a highly controversial decision,
but the nation as a whole deferred to the decision of the Court, almost entirely
due to the credibility of the Supreme Court itself. This tradition can likewise
be found in some European nations and Japan.
B. PROFESSIONALISM
Factors proving professionalism include a well-educated and trained judiciary,
free of graft and corruption.
Unfortunately, courts in many other nations, notably developing nations,
are poisoned by their traditions of graft and corruption.
Graft and corruption erodes out the core of any institution. For example,
here follows a recent column from the leading newspaper in one developing
country, a country rated the 11th most corrupt in the world out of 146 surveyed
(by Europeans):
Ex-Captain Rene Jacque says as much in poignant a letter he recently wrote
to his fellow Filipino West Pointers.
“We have known the rottenness of the system all along and how the culture
in the Armed Forces of the Philippines was not conducive to professional
growth and honest conduct…Some of us gave it a chance, found it unwieldy
and incorrigible, and left. Some stuck with the system and played it out
only to be sucked into the vortex of corruption and unprofessional conduct.
I was trying my best to be as professional and as patriotic but I could never
be honest given the extent of the graft and corruption in the Armed Forces
of the Philippines. And that was, I believed, unacceptable to my sense of
honor and integrity. Hence, I left. (emphasis added).
Attorney Randy David
Philippine Daily Inquirer. October 31, 2004.
C. FAIRNESS AND THE BALANCED APPLICATION OF LAW
A long tradition of fairness and the balanced application of the law is another
factor adding to a court's legitimacy. This has long been regarded as the
keystone of the strength of the Common Law, arguably giving Common Law courts
such worldwide credibility. The long balanced application of clear legal
principles developed over centuries aids a court’s credibility. To the contrary
however, illogical inconsistencies tarnish court credibility. Politics such
as nationalism, racism, and xenophobia, are poisons to the balanced application
of the law and degrade credibility and legitimacy.
European treatment of Israel shows that even advanced nations can have their
credibility shattered when blinded by a racism that overcomes a balanced
application of the law. Europeans widely regard Israel as the "international
criminal element" in the Middle East, ignoring history, reality and most
relevantly, the balanced application of the law. The State of Israel was
established by a United Nation’s resolution. Despite this, Israel’s Arab
neighbors on three separate occasions launched wars of aggression against
Israel. The Arabs launched three wars against Israel without once seeking
the prior authorization or consultation with the United Nations, as so dearly
loved by the Europeans. Moreover, the Arabs launched the wars with the loudly
declared objective of destroying Israel and driving the Jews into the sea.
These are declarations of genocide. After failing miserably at illegal wars,
the Arabs turned to terrorism. While admittedly in self-defense, Israel has
unfortunately killed civilians. These were accidents, however, not intentional.
In what could hardly be a greater contrast, morally and legally, the Arab
terrorists have, from the outset, deliberately targeted civilians, even children.
This difference in intent in professional, logical legal analysis is regarded
as critical in determining culpability. Yet the Europeans, despite the repeated
examples of such intentional violations of international law by the Arabs,
now regard Israel as the criminal element in the Middle East, showing how
blinded they have become by racism, and not able to apply the law in a balanced
manner. Now, in their latest “reasoning,” European intelligentsia has added
anti-Americanism to anti-Semitism.
The court system is also the main key in determining whether a nation is
one of "Rule of Law" or "Rule by Man." A recent scandal exemplifying this
difference was the response of the wife of a Filipino general who arrived
in the USA with $100,000 in cash but had it confiscated for failure to declare
it in accord with US law. Her response, when caught red-handed in violation
of US law (and Filipino law), was "Do you know who I am?" --- the classic
response of those of governments characterized by the "rule by man," if not
more sickeningly, by the inability to touch those "with the guns."
Unfortunately, the widespread inability to touch powerful politicians and
military men, a form of corruption poisoning the balanced application of
the law, in developing countries (and some powerful nations such as China)
degrades the credibility of their court systems.
This is often recognized even in those nations themselves. In October, 2004,
after Transparency International found the Philippines the 11th most corrupt
of 146 surveyed nations, the lead editorial of the Philippine Star, the second
ranking paper in the nation, declared "Graft is rampant at all levels of
public service, making a mockery of the rule of law." They acknowledge it.
It is a fact, but certainly not only in the Philippines. Yet and excellent
example as the Philippines now sits on the UN Security Council
II. Legitimacy of the Regime the Court Serves
The second issue arises when a court's legitimacy is affected by problems
with respect to the regime it serves.
Courts have existed in the world's societies for thousands of years. In early
history their legitimacy was often based on such factors as enforcement of
the will of God, as in the case of Islamic Courts enforcing the Koran. Similarly,
other courts enforced the will of the king or emperor (dictators) who achieved
power at some point by resort to arms, but often sought legitimacy by claims
of Divine Right (e.g. the head of the Church of England). The modern trend
is courts enforcing the will of democratic governments. The United States
Supreme Court, as well as the Supreme Courts of the 50 states, are themselves
based on the provisions of democratically established constitutions. A plethora
of other courts exist in the United States based on legislation produced
by democratically elected legislatures.
Yet history is replete with examples where the legitimacy of courts are rejected
due to the regimes they serve. Recent examples include Palestinians held
by Israeli courts, and Chechens held by Russian courts. Some Muslims in the
southern Philippines reject Filipino courts as Spain, from which the Philippines
claims to have inherited sovereignty, never had substantial control over
the southern Philippines where the Muslims are mostly based.
These kinds of claims can be fatal flaws to the underlying courts. Extremist
Islamic fundamentalists reject the legitimacy of democratic governments as
the mere will of men, which could never supercede the will of Allah and the
Koran. If the government's own claim to legitimacy is not respected, the
legitimacy of its courts likewise fail. When the American people felt that
a British Empire which taxed them, but gave them no representation, was no
longer legitimate, the legitimacy of British courts in America were also
called into question, despite the presence of professional judges and the
benefits of the credibility of the Common Law.
PART II. Application to the International Criminal Court
It is the position of this paper that the International Criminal Court fails
on both points. It lacks legitimacy in its own right as well as suffering
from the lack of legitimacy of the regime which it serves.
I. First let us examine the legitimacy of the Court in its own right.
1. Does it have tradition to add to its credibility?
As noted above, the common law courts have had their legitimacy enhanced
by the long tradition of the Common Law.
The International Criminal Court has no tradition. It is completely new.
At best this would be a neutral factor. In this case, however, where a court
is claiming such an enormous swath of jurisdiction, worldwide, trespassing
on the sovereignty of nations, there should be an enormous burden for it
to prove itself. This Court is completely lacking in a tradition which could
back its claim to legitimacy.
2. Does it have the professionalism to add to its credibility?
On this point the International Criminal Court is once again woefully lacking.
The majority of the members of the International Criminal Court come from
corrupt developing nations, mostly in South America, Africa, Caribbean mini-states
and a few small developing states in Asia. Again, as noted earlier, corruption
degrades a court's claim to professionalism (as well as its ability to apply
the law in a balanced and fair manner, the essence of the Rule of Law)
On this point the October, 2004 findings of Transparency International (Berlin
based, take note!) are relevant. Its chairman announced that in its 2004
survey of 146 countries "This is an amazing evidence again that corruption
is still rampant all over the world.” It found that 60 of the 146 countries
suffered from "rampant corruption" while two-thirds of the 146 nations scored
less than 5 on a scale of 10 (clean government).
But we are expected to surrender our sovereignty to the judgment of these
people?
Since the majority of the nations making up the International Criminal Court
are from such nations, in line with usual UN policies, the majority of judges
can then be expected to come from such nations. While one can only imagine
the sweet joy of judges from France or China in holding sway over a super-power
like the US, even more imaginable is the money making opportunities believed
by the judges from developing nations, as in the usual practice in their
own countries. That members of international organizations from developing
nations are often corrupt, has been shown repeatedly at the International
Olympics Commission.
How graft and corruption can affect the Rule of Law is seen in one sample
nation, the Republic of the Philippines, now a member of the UN Security
Council. The Philippine government is a near mirror image of the US government,
with a President, a Senate, a House of Representatives, a Supreme Court,
a National Bureau of Investigation (NBI), a Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR),
Social Security System (SSS) and on and on.
The rampant corruption makes all the difference.
The country is currently being rocked by the discovery that a military general
has what appears to be tens of millions of dollars (not pesos) in assets
despite a salary which has never topped $600 a month. While corruption among
politicians or bureaucrats in the Philippines has usually involved taking
a percentage, a share, with the contractor jacking up the price or degrading
the quality to cover the "cut," seldom would they have dared to not actually
carry out the project. Not so in the case of the Philippine military, where
the bulk of actually working military equipment was given, as a gift, from
the USA, usually consisting of obsolete US equipment. But it was given. No
contracts were involved with money changing hands.
Military leaders on many occasions simply pocketed the whole project budget
with nothing to show for it. This is the most brazen corruption, but the
profits are simply too rich to ignore. Recent press reports in the leading
media there note that armed forces leaders usually received retirement payouts
reaching into the millions of dollars, for a military hardly over 100,000
men and where most of the soldiers do not make even $100/month while living
in grass huts out in mosquito infested barrios. A recent military leader
even reportedly demanded $3 million before he took his position.
Hence, in the summer of 2002 there was the famous Oakwood mutiny. Its leaders
claimed that the generals in Manila were not only failing to provide ammunition
and supplies to their soldiers fighting the Muslim rebels in the south, those
same generals were actually selling the materials to the rebels, a claim
that the Muslim rebels themselves said was true.
President Gloria Arroyo, who took power in a People Power II coup, at the
time backed by the military, against the popular President Estrada, who had
been elected by an overwhelming majority but who had been charged with ---
corruption --- has been rotating various generals to military chiefs and
retiring them at rate of about two per year since she took office. This is
clearly the world’s most expensive loyalty points reward system running into
the millions and millions of dollars.
Although well known, this corruption came to public light when the son
of a general tried to bring US$100,000 in cash into the USA (reportedly to
buy a condo in Trump Tower in New York City) without declaring it as required
by US (and Filipino) law. Later, the general wrote a letter demanding the
money back, using Armed Forces of the Philippines letterhead. After the money
was confiscated, the wife of the general, in an affidavit to US officials
stated:
"I often travel with my husband on business and my travel expenses and shopping
money in excess of $10,000-$20,000 is also provided to me. He also receives
cash for travel and expenses from the businesses that are awarded contracts
for military hardware. These businesses are in EUROPE and Asia. (emphasis
added)
(The perpetrator reveals her partner in crime! Europeans more than willing
to corrupt a governmental system, ignoring fairness, and balanced application
of the law --- i.e. the Rule of Law in an international environment.)
The wife of that general's predecessor was also notorious for frequent international
travel, with her primary travel partner being the wife of the general in
charge of the military at the time that popularly elected President Estrada
was overthrown Since she achieved the presidency when this general turned
coat and backed her, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo has continuously appointed
him to one cabinet post after another.
There are now reportedly several military officials under investigation.
Yet many generals complained that with the politicians investigating the
generals it was like the pot calling the kettle black. Indeed, one of the
lead congressional questioners was Congresswoman Imee Marcos, daughter of
the late dictator. Since returning to the Philippines, after a few years
in exile, the family now serves in such positions as congresswoman and provincial
governor. Nothing really ever happened to them. They were never punished.
They never apologized. Perhaps they think they did nothing wrong.
Nevertheless, President Estrada, who overwhelmingly won his presidential
election with the largest margin in history, was removed from office in a
totally unconstitutional manner, and now sits in jail under trial for the
constitutionally mandated crime of plunder for stealing more than $1 million
(50 million pesos) from the government, a crime which carries the death penalty.
A balanced and fair application of the law would require similar trials for
these generals. Yet the reality was when the horrors of these generals hit
the headlines, the primary general in question headed for the hospital to
flee congressional investigations, under claims he was suffering from a fancy
medical name for snoring. Despite repeated demands, he failed to appear before
Congress. He stayed hospitalized until squirreled out, under military escort,
at 1:30 a.m. Sunday morning, the most likely time any responsible person
would not be working. He was taken into house arrest in the military camp
of the central military command. When he later appeared before Congress he
appeared with his lawyers and kept repeatedly invoking the Filipino equivalent
of the Fifth Amendment right to not incriminate himself. The military had
rounded the wagons in self-protection.
How these generals escape is a form of corruption that rots out the heart
of a fair and balanced legal system. From the time President Marcos corrupted
the military for their loyalty, all succeeding presidents have feared to
touch them.
This is not to say that this is a Philippines specific problem, it is a template
of corruption in most developing nations. Relevant here, however, the Philippines
presently sits on the United Nations Security Council, but subject to the
United States veto power. The International Criminal Court does not provide
that protection.
3. Is it fair and does it follow the Rule of Law?
While it may be difficult to argue that European judges would be lacking
in professionalism, it is certainly possible to argue that Europeans have
problems with fairness and the Rule of Law in international cases. The strong
indications of anti-Semitism among the European intelligentsia, now expanding
into anti-Americanism, is more a beacon for alarm, than a basis for ceding
the enormous power the International Criminal Court now demands.
As noted earlier, the total disregard among Europeans of the blatant criminality
by the Arabs, launching wars of genocide without prior UN approval, and the
deliberate targeting of Israeli civilians, while painting tiny Israel as
the giant evil ogre of the Middle East clearly casts grave doubts on European
fairness, impartiality and the ability to apply the law in the balanced manner
that the "Rule of Law" requires. European glasses, tinted and distorted,
see “Evil Israel” today, and “War Criminal America” tomorrow.
Indeed the manipulations by France in 2001 (before Sept. 11) to have the
United States removed from the United Nations Commission for Human Rights
while making Libya the chair country, puts the lie to any claim that the
leading European nations will act on the basis of fairness and the Rule of
Law, and more clearly demonstrates that the guiding principal for them will
be geopolitics. Those unfair and unbalanced games will poison the International
Criminal Court as assuredly as it did in the United Nations Commission for
Human Rights.
With respect to that issue of Rule of Law I would like to take a quote from
a Filipino lawyer, and leading columnist in the Philippines top daily newspaper,
a gentleman, usually very left wing, and not a friend of America, when he
talked to his lawyer classmate who was defending a general charged with corruption:
The law is about basic fairness, Tito reminded me. Under the rule of law,
there is a presumption of innocence until guilt is proven. It is what separates
rule of law from mob rule, he said. He lamented media's tendency to highlight
the negative aspects of a person's (nation’s?) appearance and situation and
to take these indications of his guilt. I could only nod in agreement. By
coincidence, I've been reading the book "Supreme Court (US) Decisions as
Philosophy" and marked a line in the landmark case of Conde v. City Judge
Superable Jr. "When a litigant is therefore an individual for whom he (the
judge) does not cherish kindly thoughts, he is called upon to show greater
care lest inadvertently he finds himself unable to resist the prompting of
his emotions."
Attorney Randy David. Philippine Inquirer. October 24, 2004.
Thus “greater care” is required, not the roguish self-interest exemplified
by the French. Less, is not the standard required of a court demanding such
unprecedented jurisdiction. Its position must, at a minimum, be unquestionable.
The actions of the French in the United Nations Human Rights Commission,
manipulating to have the US completely removed and Libya made head, makes
an enormous mockery of any French or European pretense of fairness and balance.
In the sphere of Human Rights the United States is dismissed while Libya
is lauded. The U.N.'s Commission on Human Rights in 2004, includes such
role models as China, Cuba, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and Zimbabwe. The facts
are that of 86 separate votes held at the 2004 Commission, the U.S. was in
the minority 85 percent of the time. Such perversity and geopolitical games
should poison the International Criminal Court and its claim for legitimacy.
Why should an established defender of human rights worldwide be dismissed
while paeans paid to Libya (how many Libyans have died defending freedom?)
Why should a superpower bow down before such a mockery calling itself international
law? Why should any free peoples agree to such unfairness and lack of balance
---the perversion of the Rule of Law. America long ago had a revolution
against a European imperialist trying to impose laws which the American people
felt unfair. Indeed, in American tradition, you shoot poker players who try
to play with a stacked deck.
II. Legitimacy of the Regime the Court Serves
Although more than enough has already been presented to dismiss the legitimacy
of the International Criminal Court in its own right, the stronger argument
is with the regime the court serves.
What exactly is the regime the Court serves (other than the EU, which is
our thesis).
Is there a world government with a president or prime minister?
NO THERE IS NOT.
Perhaps we should go back to an older belief system in giving legitimacy
to the court.
Is it the will of God, or the Gods, if you will?
What a hoot!
At least in the argument of the extremist Islamic fundamentalists, there
would be a world government ruled by the will Allah as shown primarily through
the Koran.
But no, here the biggest backers of the International Criminal Court, the
Europeans, are the leading secularists of the day. France, a traditionally
Roman Catholic nation, according to the BBC, now has about 2000 priests in
training to serve a nation of near 60 million. In the UK, there are more
minority Muslims attending mosque every Friday than the rest of the country
attending the Church of England on Sundays. While European intelligentsia
takes great glee in mocking the religious fervor of the American bumpkins,
the moral superiority the Europeans very loudly claim today is merely their
own say so, certainly not any claim to the will of God. At least a Moslem
fundamentalists claims to act in the name of God. An American born again
believer also believes they act in the name of God. European secularists
act only in the name of their own moral superiority. Nothing could be more
arrogant nor more insufficient as a standard for others.
So are even the backers of the International Criminal Court claiming it is
based on the will of God?
OF COURSE NOT.
So what exactly is the basis of the court?
There is an international treaty called the Statute of Rome.
As a treaty, being no more than an international contract, it is not binding
on countries not party.
Quite clearly it is binding on those nations which have approved the treaty,
just as with any other contract.
But it is clearly not binding on others. Likewise, in litigation, the core
principal of the Due Process of Law adds legitimacy to decisions to make
them binding. There have been divorce agreements where two parties agree,
among themselves, that a third party, not a party to the litigation, owed
them money. However, no professional court would enforce such a judgment
against that third party, not a party to the case, nor given the opportunity
to defend. It would not be fair. It would not be professional. It would be
arrogant, arguably imperialist.
So is there a statutory or contractual basis for its claim for jurisdiction
over non-signatories?
NO THERE IS NOT.
Was it due to worldwide demand? One sort of democratic legitimacy perhaps?
Look closely at the list of nations which have NOT joined the court:
The United States of America (The hyper-power, in the word of Europeans)
Japan (The world's 2nd ranking economic and technological power)
China (The world's most populous nation)
India (The world's 2nd most populous nation)
Russia (Europe’s largest nation with military & technological power)
Indonesia (The world's largest Islamic nation)
Pakistan (The world's second largest primarily Islamic nation)
And on, and on…
Clearly these nations make up the OVERWHELMING majority of the world's population
and power. This becomes even more clear if the Europeans are taken out of
the Court’s picture.
Indeed, Brazil, the largest of the non-European backers, has an economy,
the entirety of which is smaller than the net increase (not the entire economy,
just the net increase) of the US economy in 2004, in addition to being a
geopolitical competitor to the US in South America, again emphasizing the
geopolitical nature of the court.
Not that it would be an adequate basis in and of itself, but is there then,
some kind of democratic majority in the world, adding legitimacy to the International
Criminal Court?
NO THERE IS NOT.
Legitimacy through Force of Arms.
The hard cold reality of the world is that most governments achieved power,
or legitimacy, at some point in time, through force of arms.
Is force of arms basis for the international jurisdiction of the International
Criminal Court?
Again, what a hoot.
The Europeans, the primary backers of the court, have done nothing but cut
their defense budgets since 1990. The combined military budgets of the major
European nations in 2004 hardly reaches a third of US military spending.
The average age of soldiers in the largest European army, the German army,
is 38, emphasizing another weakness of Europe - declining, enfeebled (physically
and morally) populations suffering the galloping ossification of their populations.
Indeed, in both the wars in Bosnia and Kosovo, right in the midst of Europe,
itself, the Europeans were not able to handle the situation alone without
calling in the cavalry---the Americans. Despite their mighty pretensions,
the Europeans, under the aegis of the United Nations, promised protection
to the Muslim Bosnians in a safe zone in Sebrenica. But the Serbian irregulars,
not even a part of the professional Serb army, just Bosnian Serb irregulars,
looked right in the eye at those offering the protection, European military
professionals, and thought “these ladies won’t fight.” And they were right.
Thousands of Muslims acting on promises of the United Nations and European
military professionals sought refuge and were slaughtered, while the Europeans
stood aside and watched. Another European induced war crime, following Rwanda.
Even Europeans admit that the war in Kosovo illustrated the technological
superiority of American forces over their European allies, even as the first
land forces entering Kosovo, were Gurkhas, remnants of British Empire, to
this day denied citizenship after centuries of defending the Empire (you
can get international fairness from these imperialists?). Crucially it indicates
the extreme reluctance of the Europeans to put any of their soldiers on the
line.
So was the basis of the International Criminal Court to serve a regime which
held sway at the point of a gun?
Give me a break.
Absolutely NOT.
CONCLUSION
The International Criminal Court is nothing more than an attempt at geopolitical
imperialism by the Europeans, unable otherwise to achieve legitimacy, hidden
behind a bevy of two bit (that is their value in the real world) corrupt
regimes.
That the Europeans, the EU, backs this Court gives it to no more worldwide
jurisdiction than a tennis court. The political viagra of the European Union
may put something up, an institution, a Court, whatever, but that does not
disguise the old hoary European lust for power. Political viagra does not
transform one into a font of economic dynamism, give one the youthful creativity
for new revolutionary technologies, nor the thrust of hard military power.
It most certainly does not give their secular civilization the moral mandate.
Finally, this European legal sophistry suffers from the intellectual dishonesty
that it will provide a balanced Rule of Law. The French, the leader of the
European gang, have made that patently clear. Held complicit in Rwandan genocide,
shown avaricious in enforcing UN sanctions against Saddam Hussein, France
is hardly the moral beacon it pretends. The International Criminal Court
is naked geopolitical imperialism and adds not one iota to world legal advancement.
It has no credibility. It deserves no legitimacy.
POSTSCRIPT
One of the European foreign policy leaders, either Chris Patten or Juan Solana
(this “united” Europe is so confusing) recently stated Europe was not Greece
to America’s Rome. In this, whichever one it was, he was correct.
Correct as well was Saddam Hussein. On the eve of the US invasion, he said
America was the modern Genghis Khan. I add only that is to Europe’s China.
China as well was an ancient, enfeebled civilization resplendent in its confidence
of its superiority over the barbarian Mongols upon which it also depended
for its very defense. In the end however, as with ancient China, no matter
how much viagra the EU takes, real men will not be defeated by the manipulative
strategies of eunuchs.
Copyright 2005. All rights reserved Attorney Roderick H.
Seeman